So, Pakistan Broke the Atom
By Khalid Baig
The nuclear tests carried out by Pakistan at the end of May turned out to be precisely
what the doctor had ordered: They immediately brought the inebriated leadership of India
to its senses. Between 11 May, when India conducted three of its tests-- to be followed by
two others just two days later--- and 28 May, when Pakistan did a tit for tat for all five
of them, the Indian leaders had become visibly intoxicated. They served notice that India
had become a superpower overnight and that it meant business. Vacate Kashmir, submit to
us, or else
And just remember what we did in 1971. In 1971, the Indian forces had
taken a decisive part in breaking Pakistan into two. Pakistan certainly faced clear and
present danger from an arch-foe. Seventeen days later when a reluctant Pakistan finally
demonstrated its nuclear muscle, the tone in India changed just as suddenly. "We want
to assure Pakistan that we do not want to destroy it," a now sobered extremist Prime
Minister from India said.
There was well-deserved celebration not only in Pakistan, but also in Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka, and throughout the Middle East. A regional bully ---and aspiring international
bully--- had been given a fitting response. Against all odds, Pakistan had become the
first Muslim country to join the exclusive nuclear club. In India, opposition parties
started criticizing Bhartia Janata Party (BJP) for its foolishness in starting a dangerous
arms race.
Actually, the BJP had chosen the most opportune time for its declaration of nuclear
superiority. The economy in Pakistan was so bad, that General Jehangir Karamat, the Chief
of Staff had publicly declared it as Pakistan's most important defense concern.
International lenders like the IMF and the World Bank had virtually taken over the country
and were busy dictating its economic policies. With a total debt of about $25 billion, and
foreign exchange reserves around $3 billion, the country was in a precarious condition.
The "international community" seemed to be in a position to flatten the
Pakistani economy through its imposition of sanctions. Moreover, the Pakistan leader was a
businessman who would be more sensitive to the harsh "economic realities" and
could be lured more easily by the "economic incentives" for showing restraint.
In the beginning, the calculations seemed to be working. The Pakistani leadership had
been trapped between a rock and a hard place and apparently it did not know which way to
go. It looked to the "international community"; it did the calculations; it
talked about diplomatic solutions. Finally, it emerged with a clear mind and a strong
backbone. "I am not the representative of a coward and submissive nation," said
Nawaz Sharif as he announced that the country had conducted the nuclear tests. "From
now on we'll seek help only from Allah." It was a momentous occasion. The Rubicon had
been crossed. The country had learned to make its vital decisions on its own, despite
external pressures. It had taken the path of honor and dignity.
It was also the path of hardship and sacrifice. But in that was its promise; it could
be the path of self-confidence, unity, cultural and political liberation, and economic
self-reliance. The potential fallout from the Pakistani nuclear tests could be immense.
In the days ahead, the realization of that potential will depend upon the actions of
everyone. Pakistan needs, and deserves, economic assistance from the entire Ummah. Its
clear purpose should be not only to counter the effect of sanctions but also to rid the
country of its dependence on IMF, the World Bank, and other "foreign aid." A
defense fund established by the government of Pakistan should have facilities for
collections throughout the world. Investments from Muslim countries should flow to
Pakistan.
Pakistan should also shun the pop culture and imported consumerism. The general mood in
the country could be used to build popular opposition to the rampant use of satellite
television, dish antennas, and every corrupt idea that the signals received through them
have been promoting. The massive energies so released should be channeled toward
constructive use.
Pakistan will also be expected now to play a more active role in the affairs of the
Ummah. There was a time when Pakistan was actively involved in such matters. Based on its
newly acquired status it will again have to shoulder those responsibilities. It must not
shy away from those responsibilities. Rather it must enlarge its vision and its view of
itself. There is no sense in defining Pakistan's nuclear policy solely in terms of India.
Al-Aqsa is not a "Palestinian mosque" and Jerusalem is not just a Palestinian
issue. Therefore Israel cannot be just a Palestinian or Arab problem. It is a problem for
the entire Ummah and Pakistan must now be willing to stand up to its responsibilities in
this matter.
Of course, economic challenge is the greatest of all challenges now facing Pakistan.
But a country that can build sophisticated missiles and nuclear weapons can also build
economic self-reliance. Pakistan always had the talents to do that. What had been missing
was a system and a collective spirit that would allow the talents to work. The mood
generated by the latest successes can provide these missing elements.
Pakistan's bold decision promises that the entire Ummah will be entering the next
century with greater self-confidence and self-reliance. And that justifies all the
celebrations that attended the breakup of the tiny atom in Baluchistan.